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'#Refugees can be entrepreneurs too!' Humanitarianism, race, and the marketing of Syrian refugees

In the context of a greater focus on the politics of migration, the 'refugee entrepreneur' has become an increasingly important figure in humanitarian, media, and academic portrayals of refugees. Through a focus on Jordan's Za'tari
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  RESEARCH ARTICLE ‘ #Refugees can be entrepreneurs too! ’  Humanitarianism,race, and the marketing of Syrian refugees Lewis Turner* Arnold Bergstraesser Institute at the University of Freiburg, Germany *Corresponding author. Email: lewis.turner@abi.uni-freiburg.de(Received 22 December 2018; revised 18 September 2019; accepted 19 September 2019)  Abstract In the context of a greater focus on the politics of migration, the  ‘ refugee entrepreneur ’  has become anincreasingly important figure in humanitarian, media, and academic portrayals of refugees. Through afocus on Jordan ’ s Za ‘ tari refugee camp, which has been deemed a showcase for refugees ’ ‘ entrepreneur-ship ’ , this article argues that the designation of Syrian refugees as  ‘ entrepreneurs ’  is a positioning of Syrians within colonial hierarchies of race that pervade humanitarian work. For many humanitarianworkers in Jordan, Syrians ’ ‘ entrepreneurship ’  distinguishes them from  ‘ African ’  refugees, who are ima-gined as passive, impoverished, and dependent on humanitarian largesse. Without explicit racial compar-isons, humanitarian agencies simultaneously market Syrian refugees online as  ‘ entrepreneurs ’ , to enablethem to be perceived as closer to whiteness, and to thereby render them more acceptable to Western audi-ences and donors, who are imagined as white. This article extends scholarly understandings of the under-studied relationship between race and humanitarianism. Furthermore, it asks critical questions about thepolitical work and effects of vision of the  ‘ refugee entrepreneur ’ , which it locates within the context of theincreasingly neoliberalised refugee regime.  ‘ Refugee entrepreneurs ’  do not need political support and soli-darity, but to be allowed to embrace the forces of free-market capitalism. Keywords:  Humanitarianism; Race; Syrian Refugees; Za ‘ tari Refugee Camp; UNHCR; Entrepreneurship Introduction ‘ Did you hear? @ZaatariCamp is now serving pizza! #Refugees can be entrepreneurs too! ’ 1 In contrast to longstanding portrayals of refugees as passive and dependent on the largesse of humanitarian organisations, in recent years the  ‘ refugee entrepreneur ’  has emerged as a signifi-cant figure in humanitarian, media, and academic portrayals of refugees. Positioning refugeesas  ‘ entrepreneurs ’  is both the latest iteration of a longstanding humanitarian emphasis on refugee ‘ self-reliance ’ , and a reflection of the changing nature of humanitarianism, which increasingly promotes  ‘ innovation ’  and  ‘ resilience ’  among refugee populations, in lieu of re-establishing thesevered connection between state and citizen that refugeehood represents. 2 Simultaneously, the © British International Studies Association 2019. This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative CommonsAttribution licence (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the srcinal work is properly cited. 1 USA for UNHCR,  ‘ Did You Hear? @ZaatariCamp Is Now Serving Pizza! #Refugees Can Be Entrepreneurs Too! ’ , Twitterpost, available at: {https://twitter.com/UNRefugeeAgency/status/571419549318434816} accessed 20 July 2018. 2 Mark Duffield,  ‘ The liberal way of development and the development  –  security impasse: Exploring the global life-chancedivide ’ ,  Security Dialogue , 41:1 (2010), pp. 53 – 76; Mark Duffield,  ‘ Challenging environments: Danger, resilience and the aidindustry  ’ ,  Security Dialogue , 43:5 (2012), pp. 475 – 92; Evan Easton-Calabria and Naohiko Omata,  ‘ Panacea for the refugeecrisis? Rethinking the promotion of   “ self-reliance ”  for refugees ’ ,  Third World Quarterly  , 39:8 (2018), pp. 1458 – 74; SuzanIlcan and Kim Rygiel,  ‘“ Resiliency humanitarianism ” : Responsibilizing refugees through humanitarian emergency governance Review of International Studies  (2019), page 1 of 19doi:10.1017/S0260210519000342    h   t   t   p   s   :   /   /   d   o   i .   o   r   g   /   1   0 .   1   0   1   7   /   S   0   2   6   0   2   1   0   5   1   9   0   0   0   3   4   2   D   o   w   n   l   o   a   d   e   d   f   r   o   m    h   t   t   p   s   :   /   /   w   w   w .   c   a   m   b   r   i   d   g   e .   o   r   g   /   c   o   r   e .   I   P   a   d   d   r   e   s   s   :   8   1 .   1   3   2 .   9   8 .   1   8   0 ,   o   n   2   5   O   c   t   2   0   1   9   a   t   1   0   :   0   7   :   2   6 ,   s   u   b   j   e   c   t   t   o   t   h   e   C   a   m   b   r   i   d   g   e   C   o   r   e   t   e   r   m   s   o   f   u   s   e ,   a   v   a   i   l   a   b   l   e   a   t   h   t   t   p   s   :   /   /   w   w   w .   c   a   m   b   r   i   d   g   e .   o   r   g   /   c   o   r   e   /   t   e   r   m   s .  promotion of   ‘ refugee entrepreneurs ’  can be understood as part of attempts, through an emphasison refugees ’  agency and creativity, to re-imagine refugees as an  ‘ opportunity  ’  or a  ‘ resource ’ ,rather than a  ‘ burden ’  or a  ‘ threat ’ . 3 Some therefore deploy the idea of   ‘ refugee entrepreneurship ’ in an attempt to challenge and change narratives that feed hostility towards refugees. Yet, as thisarticle will demonstrate through a critical analysis of humanitarian understandings and depic-tions of the Syrian  ‘ refugee entrepreneurs ’  of Za ‘ tari refugee camp in Jordan, 4 in this contextthe vision of   ‘ refugee entrepreneurs ’  is inextricably intertwined with processes of racialisation,which serve to reproduce both white supremacy and anti-black racism.Specifically, this article argues that humanitarian designations of Syrian refugees in Za ‘ tari as ‘ entrepreneurs ’  is a positioning of Syrian refugees within and relative to the racial hierarchies thathave long pervaded humanitarian work. In  ‘ the field ’ , many humanitarians informally but expli-citly position Syrian refugees as  ‘ non-African ’ . In their creativity, energy, and focus on what isdeemed  ‘ entrepreneurship ’ , Syrian refugees are regularly understood to be both distinct fromand superior to  ‘ African ’  refugees, with whom many humanitarians are more accustomed toworking, and who occupy a central position in how refugeehood and humanitarianism areoften imagined. This designation of Syrians as  ‘ entrepreneurs ’  simultaneously reproduces thelongstanding idea of Syrians as  ‘ Levantine ’ , and thereby somehow   ‘ natural ’  traders. These new processes of racialisation, therefore, map onto their equally problematic predecessors. In onlinearticles, tweets, and commentary, however, humanitarian actors ’  explicit comparisons with ‘ Africans ’  disappear, as they attempt to portray Syrians in Za ‘ tari as  ‘ entrepreneurs ’  in order toenable them to be perceived as closer to whiteness, and to thereby generate sympathy and accept-ance for them among middle-class, Western audiences and donors, who are imagined as white. Inthis context, therefore, the positioning of Syrian refugees as  ‘ entrepreneurs ’  is inseparable fromwhite supremacy and anti-blackness. Humanitarian actors rely on, and reproduce, globally circu-lating colonial hierarchies of race, which mediate their interactions with, and understandings of,the Syrian population of Za ‘ tari.In the context of Za ‘ tari, as in all contexts, there are multiple (often overlapping) rationalitiesthat structure and inform humanitarianism. By foregrounding the racialised hierarchies of humanitarianism, in official and unofficial humanitarian discourses and ideas, I am purposefully centring a crucial yet understudied aspect of humanitarian work. In doing so, I offer two centralcontributions to scholarship. Firstly, this article responds to Adia Benton ’ s call for greater engage-ment with  ‘ professional humanitarianism ’ s thorny and under-examined relationship with anti-blackness and white supremacy  ’ . 5 As will shortly be discussed, questions of race are similarly marginalised and under-studied within the discipline of International Relations (IR) as awhole. In responding to Benton ’ s call, and to the wider shortage of analyses of race and racialisa-tion within IR, the article expands scholarly understandings of the centrality of race and racialhierarchies to humanitarianism, by demonstrating some of the ways in which race is operationa-lised in discussions and portrayals of   ‘ refugee entrepreneurship ’ . In line with the broader trend of using the study of   ‘ micro-moves ’  to shed light on broader concepts and processes in IR, 6 itcontributes to a  ‘ deepen[ing of] the evidentiary base for claims linking race  …  and in the camp ’ ,  International Political Sociology  , 9:4 (2015), pp. 333 – 51; Tom Scott-Smith,  ‘ Humanitarian neophilia: the  “ innov-ation turn ”  and its implications ’ ,  Third World Quarterly  , 37:12 (2016), pp. 2229 – 51. 3 See Alexander Betts, Louise Bloom, and Naohiko Omata,  ‘ Humanitarian Innovation and Refugee Protection ’ , Working Paper Series (Oxford: Refugee Studies Centre, 2012). 4 Except when quoting others, I use the spelling Za ‘ tari, following the  International Journal of Middle East Studies  ( IJMES )transliteration guidelines, while using a single quotation mark   ‘  in place of the diactric  ʿ . Other transliterations of Arabic con-form to the  IJMES  style, except for diacritics, which are omitted. 5 Adia Benton,  ‘ African expatriates and race in the anthropology of humanitarianism ’ ,  Critical African Studies , 8:3 (2016),p. 267. 6 Ty Solomon and Brent J. Steele,  ‘ Micro-moves in International Relations theory  ’ ,  European Journal of International Relations , 23:2 (2017), pp. 267 – 91. 2 Lewis Turner    h   t   t   p   s   :   /   /   d   o   i .   o   r   g   /   1   0 .   1   0   1   7   /   S   0   2   6   0   2   1   0   5   1   9   0   0   0   3   4   2   D   o   w   n   l   o   a   d   e   d   f   r   o   m    h   t   t   p   s   :   /   /   w   w   w .   c   a   m   b   r   i   d   g   e .   o   r   g   /   c   o   r   e .   I   P   a   d   d   r   e   s   s   :   8   1 .   1   3   2 .   9   8 .   1   8   0 ,   o   n   2   5   O   c   t   2   0   1   9   a   t   1   0   :   0   7   :   2   6 ,   s   u   b   j   e   c   t   t   o   t   h   e   C   a   m   b   r   i   d   g   e   C   o   r   e   t   e   r   m   s   o   f   u   s   e ,   a   v   a   i   l   a   b   l   e   a   t   h   t   t   p   s   :   /   /   w   w   w .   c   a   m   b   r   i   d   g   e .   o   r   g   /   c   o   r   e   /   t   e   r   m   s .  humanitarianism ’ . 7 It furthermore does so through a focus on a context  –  Za ‘ tari camp  –  that hasbecome one of the key sites for imagining the  ‘ refugee crisis ’ . 8 Secondly, this article asks critical questions about the political work and effects of the figure of the  ‘ refugee entrepreneur ’ , and thereby also contributes to debates on both portrayals of refugeesand the changing nature of the contemporary humanitarian system. The terminology of   ‘ refugeeentrepreneurship ’  is often incorporated in both academic and non-academic production on refu-gees, which can thereby reproduce and reinforce the racialised hierarchies that create surprise andeven amazement at the skills of Syrians. Even when narratives of   ‘ entrepreneurship ’  do notinvolve the same explicit racial comparisons, the perceived connotations of the  ‘ entrepreneurialideal ’  mean that these designations still contain positionings of refugees relative to hierarchiesof race, as well as gender, class, and ability. The narrative of   ‘ refugee entrepreneurs ’  furthermoreinstrumentalises the survival strategies of marginalised populations. In line with  ‘ resiliency humanitarianism ’ , 9 it shifts attention to how refugees can (and thus implicitly should) adaptto their new circumstances, rather than facilitating demands for human rights, political change,and humanitarian support.  ‘ Refugee entrepreneurs ’  do not need the support of states or huma-nitarians, but rather to be allowed to embrace the forces of free-market capitalism. 10 The article proceeds by firstly outlining how, despite scholarly production on the centrality of race to the ways in which the figure of   ‘ the refugee ’  has been popularly imagined, scholarship onhumanitarianism largely replicates the broader  ‘ racial aphasia ’  of the discipline of IR. 11 Subsequently, a background to Za ‘ tari is provided, including an exploration of the camp ’ s market,which is central to portrayals of the camp as a space of   ‘ entrepreneurship ’ . The article thentackles, in turn, different aspects of the racialisations involved in the designation of Syrians as ‘ entrepreneurs ’ . Firstly, it analyses how humanitarian actors ’  relationships with Syrians aremediated by understandings of Syrians as  ‘ non-African ’ , and sometimes as  ‘ Levantine ’ , beforeexamining how Syrians are positioned as  ‘ entrepreneurs ’  in humanitarian online content, inorder to enable them to be perceived, by Western audiences, as closer to whiteness. These por-trayals, it demonstrates, are regularly replicated in both media and academic production on refu-gees in Za ‘ tari. Following this, the article examines the implications of these arguments forportrayals of non-Syrian refugees as  ‘ refugee entrepreneurs ’ , before finally considering theplace of   ‘ refugee entrepreneurs ’  in the evolving humanitarian system.The analysis presented here is primarily based on fieldwork in Jordan that took place fromSeptember 2015 to August 2016. This fieldwork included 27 days of participant and non-participant observation in Za ‘ tari, primarily through my work with the Jordanian NGO ArabRenaissance for Democracy and Development (ARDD), and via a research permit from theJordanian Ministry of Interior. Over the course of this fieldwork, I conducted semi-structuredinterviews with 28 humanitarian and NGO workers; 10 officials from donor agencies, think tanks, and the private sector; and 32 Syrian refugees living inside and outside of the camp.Many of the Syrian interviewees in Za ‘ tari were working in the camp ’ s market, and otherswere  ‘  volunteering  ’  for humanitarian organisations through  ‘ Cash for Work  ’  schemes. 7 Adia Benton,  ‘ Risky business: Race, nonequivalence and the humanitarian politics of life ’ ,  Visual Anthropology  , 29:2(2016), p. 187. 8 Alexander Betts, Louise Bloom, and Nina Weaver,  ‘ Refugee Innovation: Humanitarian Innovation That Starts withCommunities ’  (Oxford: Refugee Studies Centre, 2015). 9 Ilcan and Rygiel,  ‘“ Resiliency humanitarianism ”’ ; see also Sarah A. Tobin and Madeline Otis Campbell,  ‘ NGO governanceand Syrian refugee  “ subjects ”  in Jordan ’ ,  Middle East Report  , 278 (2016), pp. 4 – 11. 10 See Easton-Calabria and Omata,  ‘ Panacea for the refugee crisis? ’ ; Randy Lippert,  ‘ Governing refugees: the relevance of governmentality to understanding the international refugee regime ’ ,  Alternatives: Global, Local, Political  , 24:3 (1999),pp. 295 – 328; Scott-Smith,  ‘ Humanitarian neophilia ’ . 11 Debra Thompson,  ‘ Through, against and beyond the racial state: the transnational stratum of race ’ , in Alexander Anievas,Nivi Manchanda, and Robbie Shilliam (eds),  Race and Racism in International Relations: Confronting the Global Colour Line (Abingdon, Oxon and New York: Routledge, 2015), pp. 44 – 61. Review of International Studies  3    h   t   t   p   s   :   /   /   d   o   i .   o   r   g   /   1   0 .   1   0   1   7   /   S   0   2   6   0   2   1   0   5   1   9   0   0   0   3   4   2   D   o   w   n   l   o   a   d   e   d   f   r   o   m    h   t   t   p   s   :   /   /   w   w   w .   c   a   m   b   r   i   d   g   e .   o   r   g   /   c   o   r   e .   I   P   a   d   d   r   e   s   s   :   8   1 .   1   3   2 .   9   8 .   1   8   0 ,   o   n   2   5   O   c   t   2   0   1   9   a   t   1   0   :   0   7   :   2   6 ,   s   u   b   j   e   c   t   t   o   t   h   e   C   a   m   b   r   i   d   g   e   C   o   r   e   t   e   r   m   s   o   f   u   s   e ,   a   v   a   i   l   a   b   l   e   a   t   h   t   t   p   s   :   /   /   w   w   w .   c   a   m   b   r   i   d   g   e .   o   r   g   /   c   o   r   e   /   t   e   r   m   s .  Interviews were conducted with Syrians in Arabic, and with humanitarian workers primarily inEnglish (although some included exchanges in Arabic). All of my Syrian interviewees, and the vast majority of humanitarian interviewees, have been anonymised, at their request. In additionto these more formal interviews, the article draws on numerous informal conversations and inter-actions with Syrian refugees and humanitarian workers, both inside and outside of Za ‘ tari. Thedeployment of this in-depth, textured, ethnographically informed analysis, comes in the contextof a wider movement in the discipline of IR to analyse  ‘ where structures are enacted and con-tested ’ , and to do so  ‘ through the lenses of lived, embodied and experiential everyday processes ’ . 12 Furthermore, drawing on Stuart Hall ’ s insights into intertextuality, the article analyses humani-tarian actors ’  online communications about the camp, with a focus on websites and twitteraccounts run by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), which, togetherwith the Jordanian Government, governs Za ‘ tari camp. Race, refugees, and International Relations As numerous scholars have demonstrated, despite its importance in both the foundation of thediscipline, and its centrality to international politics, the topic of race is typically absent from IR scholarship. 13 The discipline suffers from racial aphasia, a  ‘ calculated forgetting, an obstruction of discourse, language and speech ’ . 14 Nevertheless, while academic work on race and IR remains a ‘ marginal enterprise ’ , 15 there has been a noticeable increase in the volume of academic produc-tion on race in/and IR. 16 Of particular relevance to the analysis presented in this article, is thisscholarship ’ s clear demonstration that the racial structures created by slavery, colonialism, andcapitalism continue to be central to the operations of international politics, the workings of con-temporary capitalism, and the racialised nature of the global order. 17 Patrick Wolfe thus describesrace as  ‘ colonialism speaking  ’ , and racialisation as the  ‘ active productivity of race ’ , which does notdescribe human groups, but rather  ‘ brings them into being  ’ . 18 Colonised populations, Wolfeexplains,  ‘ continue to be racialised in specific ways that mark out and reproduce  …  unequal rela-tionships ’ . 19 While this article is primarily grounded in IR scholarship, these points have of course similarly been demonstrated in a range of disciplines, especially in Black studies,African American studies, cultural studies, and the literature on racial capitalism. 20 12 Solomon and Steele,  ‘ Micro-moves in International Relations theory  ’ , pp. 267, 275. 13 Alexander Anievas, Nivi Manchanda, and Robbie Shilliam,  ‘ Confronting the global colour line: an introduction ’ , inAnievas, Manchanda, and Shilliam (eds),  Race and Racism in International Relations , pp. 1 – 15; Siba N. Grovogui,  ‘ Cometo Africa: a hermeneutics of race in international theory  ’ ,  Alternatives: Global, Local, Political  , 26:4 (2001), pp. 425 – 48;Robert Vitalis,  White World Order, Black Power Politics: The Birth of American International Relations  (Ithaca: CornellUniversity Press, 2015). Errol A. Henderson,  ‘ Hidden in plain sight: Racism in International Relations theory  ’ ,  CambridgeReview of International Affairs , 26:1 (2013), pp. 71 – 92. 14 Thompson,  ‘ Through, against and beyond the racial state ’ , p. 45. 15 Duncan Bell,  ‘ Race and International Relations: Introduction ’ ,  Cambridge Review of International Affairs , 26:1 (2013),p. 2. 16 Anievas, Manchanda, and Shilliam,  ‘ Confronting the global colour line ’ . 17 Bell,  ‘ Race and International Relations ’ ; Branwen Gruffydd Jones,  ‘ Race in the ontology of international order ’ ,  Political Studies , 56:4 (2008), pp. 907 – 27; Olivia Umurerwa Rutazibwa,  ‘ From the everyday to IR: In defence of the strategic use of theR-word ’ ,  Postcolonial Studies , 19:2 (2016), pp. 191 – 200; Alina Sajed,  ‘ Fanon, Camus and the global colour line: Colonial dif-ference and the rise of decolonial horizons ’ ,  Cambridge Review of International Affairs , 26:1 (2013), pp. 5 – 26; RobbieShilliam,  ‘ Race and research agendas ’ ,  Cambridge Review of International Affairs , 26:1 (2013), pp. 152 – 8. Similar argumentswere of course made a long time ago within the discipline, although this work was often ignored and/or marginalised. See, forexample, W. E. B. Du Bois,  ‘ Worlds of color ’ ,  Foreign Affairs , 3:3 (1925), pp. 423 – 44. 18 Patrick Wolfe,  Traces of History: Elementary Structures of Race  (London and New York: Verso, 2016), pp. 4, 10. 19 Ibid., p. 2. 20 Prominent examples of such scholarship include Gargi Bhattacharyya,  Rethinking Racial Capitalism: Questions of Reproduction and Survival   (London and Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2018); Angela Davis,  Women, Race, &Class  (New York: Vintage, 1983); Walter Johnson,  ‘ To remake the world: Slavery, racial capitalism, and justice ’ ,  BostonReview Forum , 1 (2017), pp. 11 – 31; Cedric Robinson,  Black Marxism: The Making of the Black Radical Tradition  (Chapel 4 Lewis Turner    h   t   t   p   s   :   /   /   d   o   i .   o   r   g   /   1   0 .   1   0   1   7   /   S   0   2   6   0   2   1   0   5   1   9   0   0   0   3   4   2   D   o   w   n   l   o   a   d   e   d   f   r   o   m    h   t   t   p   s   :   /   /   w   w   w .   c   a   m   b   r   i   d   g   e .   o   r   g   /   c   o   r   e .   I   P   a   d   d   r   e   s   s   :   8   1 .   1   3   2 .   9   8 .   1   8   0 ,   o   n   2   5   O   c   t   2   0   1   9   a   t   1   0   :   0   7   :   2   6 ,   s   u   b   j   e   c   t   t   o   t   h   e   C   a   m   b   r   i   d   g   e   C   o   r   e   t   e   r   m   s   o   f   u   s   e ,   a   v   a   i   l   a   b   l   e   a   t   h   t   t   p   s   :   /   /   w   w   w .   c   a   m   b   r   i   d   g   e .   o   r   g   /   c   o   r   e   /   t   e   r   m   s .  Scholarship on humanitarianism replicates the aforementioned broader sidelining of race. AsAdia Benton has argued, central theoretical concepts in humanitarianism scholarship, such asFassin ’ s humanitarian politics of life, have  ‘ little regard to the kinds of social distinctions betweenhumans, like race, that precede and are intensified by the humanitarian encounter ’ . 21 As in IR asa whole, however, there is a small and growing number of critical scholars who have challengedthe racial aphasia of analyses of humanitarianism. In recent years, scholars have produced ana-lyses of race and the politics of celebrity humanitarianism, racialised humanitarian imagery,racialised hierarchies of power within humanitarian organisations, and the racial politics of  ‘ Tinder humanitarians ’ . 22 Scholars have similarly demonstrated that race has been central tothe responses of European states to refugees and migrants, even if the  ‘ brute  racial   fact of thisdeadly European border regime is seldom acknowledged ’ . 23 Race has also been crucial in the ana-lysis of some scholars working on related fields, most notably development and intervention, inwhich the subject is similarly regularly ignored or sidelined. 24 While the relative absence of race within work on humanitarianism is explicable, given thebroader patterns of knowledge production noted above, it is even more striking that much schol-arship on humanitarianism and refugee politics largely ignores race, 25 given that scholars havedemonstrated the centrality of racial hierarchies to humanitarian work, and the importance of race in how the figure of   ‘ the refugee ’  has been imagined. B. S. Chimni has demonstrated that,in Northern imaginaries during the era of the Cold War, refugees were typically those fleeing communist regimes, and thus politically useful to Northern states because they could be mobi-lised as evidence of communist repression. A concomitant  ‘ image of a  “ normal ”  refugee was con-structed  –  white, male and anti-communist ’ . 26 Following the growing perception in the 1980s thatmore non-white, Southern refugees were coming to the North, the image of the refugee shiftedfrom the  ‘ heroic, political individual to a nameless flood of poverty-stricken women and children ’ ,and Africa became increasingly central to how refugeehood was imagined. 27 The figure of the Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2000); Gloria Wekker,  White Innocence: Paradoxes of Colonialism and Race (Durham, NC and London: Duke University Press, 2016); Frank B. Wilderson III,  Red, White & Black: Cinema and theStructure of U.S. Antagonisms  (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2010). 21 Benton,  ‘ Risky business ’ , p. 190. 22 Benton,  ‘ African expatriates and race in the anthropology of humanitarianism ’ ; Benton,  ‘ Risky business ’ ; Patricia Daley, ‘ Rescuing African bodies: Celebrities, consumerism and neoliberal humanitarianism ’ ,  Review of African Political Economy  ,40:137 (2013), pp. 375 – 93; Corinne Lysandra Mason,  ‘ Tinder and humanitarian hook-ups: the erotics of social media racism ’ , Feminist Media Studies , 16:5 (2016), pp. 822 – 37; Jemima Repo and Riina Yrjölä,  ‘ The gender politics of celebrity humani-tarianism in Africa ’ ,  International Feminist Journal of Politics , 13:1 (2011), pp. 44 – 62; Lisa Ann Richey,  ‘“ Tinder humanitar-ians ” : the moral panic around representations of old relationships in new media ’ ,  Javnost   –  The Public  , 23:4 (2016), pp. 398 – 414. 23 Nicholas De Genova,  ‘ The  “ migrant crisis ”  as racial crisis: Do black lives matter in Europe? ’ ,  Ethnic and Racial Studies ,41:10 (2018), p. 1766, emphasis in srcinal; see also Ida Danewid,  ‘ White innocence in the black Mediterranean: Hospitality and the erasure of history  ’ ,  Third World Quarterly  , 38:7 (2017), pp. 1674 – 89; Luca Mavelli,  ‘ Governing populations throughthe humanitarian government of refugees: Biopolitical care and racism in the European refugee crisis ’ ,  Review of International Studies , 43:5 (2017), pp. 809 – 32. 24 See, for example, Barbara Heron,  Desire for Development: Whiteness, Gender, and the Helping Imperative  (Waterloo, ON:Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 2007); Meera Sabaratnam,  Decolonising Intervention: International Statebuilding in Mozambique  (London and Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield International, 2017); Kalpana Wilson,  Race, Racism and Development: Interrogating History, Discourse and Practice  (London and New York: Zed Books, 2012). 25 Lucy Mayblin,  Asylum after Empire: Colonial Legacies in the Politics of Asylum Seeking   (London and New York: Rowman& Littlefield International, 2017); Prem Kumar Rajaram,  ‘ Refugees as surplus population: Race, migration and capitalist valueregimes ’ ,  New Political Economy  , 23:5 (2018), pp. 627 – 39. 26 B. S. Chimni,  ‘ Geopolitics of refugee studies: a view from the south ’ ,  Journal of Refugee Studies , 11 (1998), p. 351; see alsoGil Loescher,  The UNHCR and World Politics: A Perilous Path  (Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 2001). 27 Heather L. Johnson,  ‘ Click to donate: Visual images, constructing victims and imagining the female refugee ’ ,  Third World Quarterly  , 32:6 (2011), p. 1016; see also Liisa H. Malkki,  ‘ Speechless emissaries: Refugees, humanitarianism, and dehis-toricization ’ ,  Cultural Anthropology  , 11:3 (1996), pp. 377 – 404; Chris Methmann,  ‘ Visualizing climate-refugees: Race, vulner-ability, and resilience in global liberal politics ’ ,  International Political Sociology  , 8:4 (2014), pp. 416 – 35. Review of International Studies  5    h   t   t   p   s   :   /   /   d   o   i .   o   r   g   /   1   0 .   1   0   1   7   /   S   0   2   6   0   2   1   0   5   1   9   0   0   0   3   4   2   D   o   w   n   l   o   a   d   e   d   f   r   o   m    h   t   t   p   s   :   /   /   w   w   w .   c   a   m   b   r   i   d   g   e .   o   r   g   /   c   o   r   e .   I   P   a   d   d   r   e   s   s   :   8   1 .   1   3   2 .   9   8 .   1   8   0 ,   o   n   2   5   O   c   t   2   0   1   9   a   t   1   0   :   0   7   :   2   6 ,   s   u   b   j   e   c   t   t   o   t   h   e   C   a   m   b   r   i   d   g   e   C   o   r   e   t   e   r   m   s   o   f   u   s   e ,   a   v   a   i   l   a   b   l   e   a   t   h   t   t   p   s   :   /   /   w   w   w .   c   a   m   b   r   i   d   g   e .   o   r   g   /   c   o   r   e   /   t   e   r   m   s .
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