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Some Notes on the King of The Four Corners _NABU 3/2019, 102-105

Some Notes on the King of The Four Corners _NABU 3/2019, 102-105
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    N.A.B.U.   2019 n !   3 (septembre) 59) dumu Ž-dub-ba-a! Ñ u ! -ul-la-ˆmÉ Ñ In ihrem gerade (2019, s. Bibliographie) erschienenenreichhaltigen Aufsatz erwŠhnt J. Matuszak (besonders S. 12, Anm. 38) N. Koslovas Deutung (2014) vondiesem Incipit einiger Schuldialoge. P. Attinger, in seinem Kommentar zu Edubb‰ A (auf seinerelektronischen Seite der Uni Bern) zitiert sie auch, adoptiert sie nicht, allerdings nicht ohne Bedenken(Ç contextuellement pas enti•rement satisfaisant, mais pas non plus exclu È). Schlie§lich Ÿbersetzt er Ç dŽpche-toi È; Matuszak dafŸr zšgernd Ç es ist schon spŠt È. Nun scheint mir Koslovas Vorschlag nichtvoll eingeschŠtzt worden zu sein. Ihre Annahme eines kurzen Dialogs ist sehr viel Ÿberzeugender:Ñ Ç SchŸler! È, Ñ Ç immer (zu Diensten)! È,wobei u % -ul-la-ˆm anscheinend eine vielleicht saloppe AbkŸrzung fŸr u % -ul a-ra-zu ist, die hšßichere Form, die Nuska normalerweise aus RŸcksicht seinem Kšnig gegenŸber verwendet. Die von Attinger imKommentar in ErwŠgung gezogene Wiedergabe Ç tout de suite È (Ç gleich! È) wŠre frei, aber m. E. richtigerals Ç dŽpche-toi È.Es klingt wie das Kreuzen der Klingen am Anfang des Gefechts, es gibt den Takt an fŸr denkommenden Austausch, der gleich Lebhaftigkeit sprŸht.Weiters, trotz Attingers Bedenken (s. seinen Kommentar zu Enlil und Ninlil 36Ð37 auf seinerelektronischen Seite), kommt es mir gezwungen vor, u % -ul a-ra-zu von u % -ul-la(-ˆm) zu trennen, geradewegen Enlil u. Ninlil 36Ð37, wo beide Verbindungen in zwei aufeinander folgenden Zeilen erscheinen.Nun bin ich heute wie damals, als ich fŸr PSD das Lemma a-ra-zu redigierte, davon Ÿberzeugt, dass a-ra-zu nicht primŠr Ç Gebet È hei§t, sondern ursprŸnglich Ç Dein Weg, Dein Wille È (wie ich auch inCavigneaux (2011), 498 argumentierte). NatŸrlich gibt es Tausende von Belegen, wo a-ra-zu, parallel zusiskur und in Šhnlich unmissverstŠndlichen Kontexten, kaum anders als Ç Gebet È Ÿbersetzt werden kann, aber Gewohnheit ist trŸgerisch: die Litaneicoda a-ra-zu d•-ra-ab-bŽ kšnnte sehr wohl konkret aufgefasstwerden (Ç er soll Dir arazu sagen È). Wirklich ausschlaggebend ist die Stelle in Fluch Ÿber Akkade 211, wo a-ra-zu-ta vom Kontext her etwa Ç in ehrfŸrchtigem Zuvorkommen È, Ç in hšßichem Entgegenkommen È hei§en muss, denn in diesem Fall kann nicht von Gebet die Rede sein: die Worte, diefolgen, sollen zwar bei Enlil Genugtuung und WohlgefŸhl erwecken, jedoch nicht mit einem Gebet, sondernmit einem Fluch. Bibliographie A. C AVIGNEAUX (2011): Ç Prier et sŽduire È, in: F. Prescendi/ Y. Volokhine (ed.),  Dans le laboratoire de lÕhistorien des religions . MŽlanges offerts ˆ Philippe Borgeaud, 496Ð503. N. K OSLOVA (2014): Ç Zu den Anfangszeilen einiger EdubbaÕa-Kompositionen È, in: N. Koslova/ E. Wizirova/ G. Z—lyomi (ed.), Studies in Sumerian language and literature . Fs. J. Krecher. Babel und Bibel 8, 305Ð326. J. M ATUSZAK (2019): Ç Es streite, wer kann! Ein neuer Rekonstruktions-und Interpretationsversuch fŸr dassumerische SchulstreitgesprŠch ÔDialog 1Õ È, ZA 109 (2019), 1Ð47. Antoine C AVIGNEAUX <antoinecavigneaux@gmail.com> UniversitŽ de Gen•ve (SUISSE) 60) Some Notes on the  King of The Four Corners Ñ The concepts of universalism and the deiÞcationof kings in Mesopotamia were connected, as was shown earlier (Sazonov 2007; 2016; 2018). The phenomena of the deiÞcation of rulers, their divine srcin (Bock 2012), and universalistic titles and epithetshave been studied by several scholars (Edzard 1974; Farber 1983; Seux 1967; Maeda 1981, 1984; Selz2008; Emelianov 2008; Michalowski 2008; Brisch 2006, 2008, 2013). We see that almost all Mesopotamianrulers from Nar / m-SuÕen until the end of the 3rd mil. who used the universalistic royal title king of the four corners (Maeda 1984; Sazonov 2016b: 73Ð76) were deiÞed during their lifetimes. However, rulers whoused another important royal universalistic title king of the universe (Maeda 1981), introduced by Sargon (previously known in Sumer as LUGAL KI " , used by some ED rulers as the hegemonic title of the ruler of the city-state of Ki #   or of all Sumer Ð RIME 1: Me-silim E1.8.1.3), were never deiÞed (e.g., Sargon, R  0  mu # , Man-i # t 1# u).  Ð 102 Р      N.A.B.U.   2019 n !   3 (septembre) Akkad With Nar / m-SuÕen the universalistic royal title king of the four corners was introduced for the Þrst time (RIME 2: 174). Nar / m-SuÕen introduced this universalistic title during his reign as a way to establish thedeiÞcation of his person (Farber 1983; Sazonov 2007; 2016). The epoch that followed the reign of Nar / m-SuÕen can be regarded as the decline of the Akkadian state, beginning in Nar / m-SuÕenÕs later years, or afterhis death, and ending with the collapse of Akkadian statehood when the Gutian tribes conquered theAkkadian state. A. Westenholz writes the following about " ar-kali- # arr  0  , successor of Nar / m-SuÕen: ÒAfter his accession to the throne, he appears to have devoted most of his resources to the completion of the ambitious program begun by his father. In that task, he showed himself as a devoted son. But he also soon recanted on the more arrogant excesses of his father: he was not ÔKing of the Four CornersÕ, but more modestly ÔKing of AkkadeÕ, nor did he claim divinity for himselfÓ (OBO 160/3: 56). I do not agree with this idea; I think that king " ar-kali- # arr  0    was also deiÞed, but only for a very short time(Sazonov 2007: 333Ð7; 2016: 50Ð2), and that he even assumed the status of the son of Enlil Ð Ninurta (RIME 2: " ar-kali- # arr  0    E2.1.5.2) Ð like Lipit-E # tar of Isin did later (Sazonov 2007: 333Ð7; 2016a: 50Ð2; 2 melianov 2008: 135; Simk— 2013: 117). " ar-kali- # arr  0    never used the title king of the four corners which was introduced by Nar / m-SuÕen. Gutian period Only one Gutian king, Erridu-pizir, who was probably victorious over the Akkadian king in battle,introduced the title king of the four corners (RIME 2: Erridu-pizir E2.2.1.1). We have no proof of thedeiÞcation of Gutian kings and this could be seen as an exception to the paradigm. It is important to notehere that Erridu-pizir was not Mesopotamian by srcin. He introduced the ambitious title of Nar / m-SuÕen to show the mightiness of Gutium, and he also wanted to present himself as a legitimate successor to Nar / m-SuÕen. As P. Espak (2016: 78) points out: Òthe Gutians did not have their own centralized empire, but at least one of their rulers, Erridu-pizir, uses alongside his title Ôking of the GutiansÕ the formula Ôking of the four quartersÕ: LUGAL gu-ti-im • ki-ib-ra-tim ar-ba-im. The Gutian war-lords or leaders obviously tried to picture themselves as equals to previous rulers of the Akkade dynasty and may have wanted to claim that they too were legitimate rulers in accordance with the traditions, ideology, and cultural traits of the previous Mesopotamian kingsÓ . Uruk V From the Neo-Sumerian period we have several rulers who used the title king of the four corners : Utu- + e 3 al, " ulgi, etc. The Þrst Neo-Sumerian king to use this title was Utu- + e 3 al who was victorious over the Gutians (Espak 2016: 80Ð6) and who had reclaimed from the Gutians the kingship of Sumer and the title king of the four corners. We have no proof that Utu- + e 3 al was deiÞed; he used title king of the four corners , (RIME 2: 281; ETCSL c.2.1.6, line 11) but never used the title king of the universe. D. Frayne remarks: ÒIn all likelihood there was a considerable expansion of Uruk's power and inßuence during the seven- year reign of Utu- $ e % al. Noteworthy is the king's adoption of the title Ôking of the four quartersÕ last used by Nar #  m-S”n and the Gutian ruler Erridu-pizir.Ó (RIME 2: 280). Ur III No-one from the rulers of Ur III used the title king of the universe. The second ruler of this dynasty, " ulgi(Di Ludovico 2014), reintroduced the deiÞcation of the king, and all of his successors were deiÞed duringtheir lifetimes. It is important to mention here that the kings of Ur III since " ulgi until Ibbi-SuÕen used the title king of the four corners (RIME 3/2: 247) and were deiÞed. One more important form of deiÞcationmust be mentioned: the claim from the kings of Ur III (since " ulgi) of possessing the status of sun-god,which exempliÞes the so-called solar aspect of the rulerÕs ideology. It appears in the case of some kingsfrom the Ur III period that the solar aspect of their kingship was clearly represented in royal ideology (Vac’n2009: 171Ð9). This solar aspect of the kingship of " ulgi is clearly visible in some texts: for example, in some of his hymns, e.g., &  ulgi C  , 25-27:  Ð 103 Р      N.A.B.U.   2019 n !   3 (septembre) ÒAs I rose over my city like sun-god Utu, suspended in its midst, I Þlled the Etemenniguru, founded with divine powers, with princely cornelian.Ó( ETCSL: t.2.4.2.03.). Amar-SuÕena, continued his fatherÕs tradition and was called Òtrue god, sun god of his landÓ (dingir-zi d utu-kalam-ma-na) (RIME 3/2: Amar-Suena E3/2.1.3.16). 1 st Dynasty of Isin As we know, the kings of the 1st Dynasty of Isin were deiÞed; they all used the divine classiÞer dingirbefore their names and some of them used such epithets as Ògod of his nationÓ  Ð dingir-kalam-ma-na (RIME 4: I # bi-Erra E4.1.1.2009; S 1 -il”  # u E4.1.2.2). One salient example is the Þrst four kings of IsinÑ I # bi-Erra, Su-il”  # u, Iddin-Dagan and I # me-DaganÑall of whom were deiÞed but none of whom ever used the title king of the universe , and at least two of them (I # bi-Erra. I # me-Dagan) used the title king of the four corners (I # bi-Erra E4.1.1.2006, line 3; I # me-Dagan E4.1.4.1 32). Conclusion What conclusions can be drawn from this? Except in two casesÑErri-dupizir and Utu- + e 3 alÑevery king who used the title king of the four corners was deiÞed. Erri-dupizir was a foreigner, more like a tribal chief of the Gutians than a king, but he tried to legitimize his power by using Akkadian formulas, royal titles.Utu- + e 3 al freed Sumer from the Gutian yoke and re-introduced old Akkadian ideological elements,including king of the four corners ; he probably wanted to be as powerful as Nar / m-SuÕen. We lack proof of the deiÞcation of Utu- + e 3 al and we only have a few texts from his reign. More interesting is the fact thatnone of the Mesopotamian kings who used the title king of the universe in the 3rd mil., and even in the early 2nd mil. BC, were deiÞed (or at least we lack any Þrm proof of this). How to explain this phenomenon?Supposedly the title king of the four corners had a slightly different meaning from king of the universe ; however, both remain universalistic titles. The title king of the four corners was probably seen as a widerand more important universalistic title in the sense not only of universal rule, but also of ruling the divineuniverse and divine spheres (heaven, sun, stars). It seems that the title king of the four corners was related to the sun and the cosmos, to divine cosmic powers, and was connected to the universal order. We can seethat the title king of the four corners was sometimes used to refer to gods, for example in the case of the god Ti # pak in E # nunna (RIME 3/2: "1 -il  0  ia E3/2.3.1), but never king of the universe. Even ED rulers, who never used universalistic titles/epithets to refer to themselves, addressed universalistic epithets to the maingods: ÒEnlil, king of all lands, for Lugal-ki ' ine-dudu Ð when the god Enlil truly summoned him, and (Enlil) combined (both) lordship and kingship for himÓ (RIME 1: Lugal-ki 4 ine-dudu E1.14.14.1). LUGAL KI "   in its early srcinal meaning was seen only as Òruler over Ki # Ó or ruler over the northern partof Sumer; it was an important but more regional title. Only much later did it acquire the meaning Òking of the universeÓ but I am not sure about that meaning at all. In that case, king of the four corners had a different meaning; the title designated not only ruling over the world but it probably included some kind of divineaspect as well (Michalowski 2010). In that case it could be seen as more universal than LUGAL KI " . Was LUGAL KI "   in its Akkadian form !  ar ki !!  ati(m) an universalistic title? Or was it a hegemonic title showinglordship over Sumer but not including the whole world? Could it be for this reason that the king who usedthe title king of the four corners had to be deiÞed but the king who was LUGAL KI "   was not? References B OCK , U. 2012. Von seiner Kindheit bis zum Erwachsenenalter. Die Darstellung der Kindheit des Herrschersin mesopotamischen und kleinasiatischen Herrscherinschriften und literarischen Texte Ð AOAT 383.B RISCH , N. 2006. The Priestess and the King. The Divine Kingship of "1 -S”n of Ur Ð JAOS 126/2, 161Ð176. B RISCH , N. (ed.) 2008. Religion and Power. Divine Kingship in the Ancient World and Beyond, Chicago. B RISCH , N. 2013. Of Gods and Kings: Divine Kingship in Ancient Mesopotamia Ð Religion Compass 7/2, 37Ð 46. D I L UDOVICO , A. 2014. The Reign of " ulgi Investigation of a King Above Suspicion Ð AOAT 401, 481Ð493. E DZARD , D. O. 1974. Probl•mes de la royautŽ dans la pŽriode prŽsargonique Ð Le Palais et la RoyautŽ (ArchŽologie et Civilisation), (ed.) P. Garelli, Paris, 141Ð149.  Ð 104 Р      N.A.B.U.   2019 n !   3 (septembre) E MELIANOV , V. V. 2008. 5678   969   :;<=7>6   ?   @=AB7C9;D   E;A<6D   ;F   G76   ;   HC;<6    Ð IJB9>7K<<6L   M;MJ;K>B96   N=FBL   6<>7KOKJKE;;   ;   P><KE76Q;;   ;A . RB>76   SBJ;9KEK   ( T=<C>96AB76 ) UV: , 130-143. E SPAK , P. 2016. The Establishment of Ur III Dynasty. From the Gutians to the Formation of the Neo-SumerianImperial Ideology and Pantheon. Ð AOAT 390/4, 77Ð108.F ARBER , W. 1983. Die Vergšttlichung Nar / msins Ð OrNS 52, 67Ð72. M AEDA , T. 1981. ÒKing of KishÓ in Pre-Sargonic Sumer Ð Orient 17, 1Ð17. M AEDA , T. 1984 ÒKing of The Four RegionsÓ in the Dynasty of Akkade Ð Orient 20, 67Ð82. M ICHALOWSKI , P. 2008. The Mortal Kings of Ur: A Short Century of Divine Rule in Ancient Mesopotamia. ÐN. Brisch (ed.), Religion and Power: Divine Kingship in the Ancient World and Beyond. Chicago, 33Ð45.M ICHALOWSKI , P. 2010. Masters of the Four Corners of the Heavens: Views of the Universe in EarlyMesopotamian Writings. In: Geography and Ethnography, (ed.) A. K. Raaßaub, J. A. Talbert. The Ancient World:Comparative Histories. Wiley-Blackwell, 147-168.OBO 160/3 = S ALLABERGER , W.; W ESTENHOLZ , A. Mesopotamien: Akkade-Zeit und Ur III-Zeit. Freiburg, Schweiz, 1999. P OSTGATE , J. N. 1995. Royal Ideology and State Administration in Sumer and Akkad. Sasson, J. M. (ed.).Civilizations of the Ancient Near East 1. New York, 395Ð411. S AZONOV , V. 2007. Vergšttlichung der Kšnige von Akkade. Ð BZAW 374, 325Ð342. S AZONOV , V. 2016. Universalistic Ambitions and Claims of Divine Origin of Sumerian and Akkadian Rulers.AOAT 390/4, 31Ð61.S AZONOV , V. 2018. Universalistic Ambitions, DeiÞcation and Claims of Divine Origin of Mesopotamian Rulers II: Laga #   II Dynasty. Ð Usuteaduslik Ajakiri 72 (1), 42Ð58. S EUX , M.-J. 1965. Les titres royaux Ô # ar ki ## atiÕ et Ô # ar kibr / t arbaÕiÕ. Ð RA 59, 1Ð18. S ELZ , G. J. 2008. The Divine Prototypes. Ð Religion and Power: Divine Kingship in the Ancient World andBeyond, (ed.) N. Brisch, The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago 13Ð31.S IMKî , K. 2013. Bemerkungen zu Lipite # tar A Z. 87. Ð N.A.B.U. 4, 117. V ACêN , L. 2009. On the Solar Aspect of the King in Ur III Royal Ideology. Ð J. Bi W ovsk X , P. Y ech (eds.), Chatre ## ar 2009. Charles University in Prague, 171Ð179. Vladimir S AZONOV <sazonov@ut.ee> Senior Research Fellow in ANE studies, University of Tartu (ESTONIE) 61) Ein neuer Jahresname des Kšnigs B " r-S”n von Isin* Ñ B 1 r-S”n von Isin (1895Ð1874 v.Chr.)wurde in den verschiedenen Kšnigslisten eine Regierungszeit von 21 oder 22 Jahren zugeschrieben. 1) Trotzdem sind nur wenige Jahresnamen dieses Kšnigs bekannt: In seiner Zusammenfassung der Jahresnamen der Isinkšnige konnte M. Sigrist (1988: 30) nur fŸnf Jahresnamen identiÞzieren, deren Reihenfolge noch nicht bestimmbar ist. 2) J.-M. Durand (2014: 26) konnte kŸrzlich zwei neue Jahresnamen und eine Variante (ãDÒ+1) identiÞzieren.Ein erst kŸrzlich erworbener Text der Privatsammlung P. Kress (Bochum) 3) enthŠlt einen bisher unbekannten Jahresnamen B 1 r-S”ns. Laut persšnlicher Mitteilungen des Besitzers (22.02. und 05.03.2019)kommt die Tafel ãKress 290Ò (CDLI P513512) aus dem englischen Kunsthandel, wo sie beim britischenAntikenhŠndler ãAncient ArtÒ (London) auf der Online-Platform Catawiki angeboten wurde. 4) Vom  jetzigen Besitzer wurde sie am 02.02.2019 fŸr 450  Z   erworben. Die Tafel wurde beim Verkauf folgenderma§en beschrieben: ãThis is an Old Babylonian contract for the sale of fallow land, of a standardtype and formulary. In Sumerian. From Kisurra or KazalluÒ, was spŠter zu ãIt is of king Bur-Sin of the cityIsinÒ korrigiert wurde. Als Provenienz wurde ãex Jordanian family collection, 1970s-90sÒ angegeben. 5) Da die Urkunde weder gereinigt wurde 6) noch vom Verf. am Original untersucht werden konnte, ist eine vollstŠndige Bearbeitung noch nicht mšglich. Aus diesem Grund sei hier nur eine kurze Zusammenfassung ihres Inhalts gegeben: A + am-n 1 ta kauft ein unbebautes GrundstŸck ( KI . KAL ) von 16,5 IKU (= 5,94 ha) von seinem Nachbarn Ennam-S”n fŸr 10 Sekel Silber. Ennam-S”n schwšrt beim Kšnig, dassweder er noch seine Nachkommen das GrundstŸck beanspruchen werden. 5 Zeugen. 7) Datum. Siegel des Ennam-S”n. UnabhŠngig vom Inhalt ist der Jahresname auf Kress 290 von historischem Interesse. Die entsprechenden Zeilen sollen hier in Umschrift wiedergegeben werden: 20.) , iti [ GU % . SI . Sç mu ¡ d ¡ bur - d EN . ZU lu g a l 21.) bˆ d Ž -ka b -ba ki  Ð 105 Р      N.A.B.U.  2019 n !  3 (septembre) Abonnement pour un an/ Subscription for one year:   EUROPE/  EUROPA 25,00  Z  AUTRES PAYS/ OTHER COUNTRIES 37,00  Z   Ð Par carte de crŽdit (et Paypal) sur la boutique en ligne de la SEPOABy credit card (and Paypal) through our online store   http://sepoa.fr/?product_cat=revue-nabu    Ð Par virement postal ˆ lÕordre de/ To Giro Account: SociŽtŽ pour lÕƒtude du Proche-Orient Ancien, 39, avenue dÕAlembert, 92160 A NTONY . IBAN: FR 23 2004 1000 0114 69184V02 032 BIC: PSSTFRPPPAR  Ð Par ch•que postal ou bancaire en Euros COMPENSABLE EN FRANCE ˆ lÕordre de/  By Bank check in  Euros  PAYABLE IN FRANCE and made out to: SociŽtŽ pour lÕƒtude du Proche-Orient Ancien. Les manuscrits (WORD & PDF) pour publication sont ˆ envoyer ˆ lÕadresse suivante :    Manuscripts (WORD & PDF) to be published should be sent to the following address:   nabu@sepoa.fr   Pour tout ce qui concerne les affaires administratives, les abonnements et les rŽclamations,   adresser un courrier ˆ lÕadresse Žlectronique suivante : contact@sepoa.fr   Directeur honoraire : Jean-Marie D URAND   RŽdactrice en chef : Nele Z IEGLER -SecrŽtaire dÕŽdition : J.-M. R OYNARD   N.A.B.U. est publiŽ par la SociŽtŽ pour lÕƒtude du Proche-Orient Ancien, Association (Loi de 1901) sans but lucratif     ISSN n¡ 0989-5671. DŽp™t lŽgal : Paris, 10-2019. Reproduction par photocopie    Directeur de la publication : D. Charpin    Ð 152 Ð  
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